Category: Healthcare Politics and Regulations

What does it Mean for Health? SAMRC Experts Weigh in on Budget 2025

Finance Minister Enoch Godongwana holding a copy of the 2025 Budget Speech. (Photo: Parliament of RSA via X)

By Charles Parry, Funeka Bango, Tamara Kredo, Wanga Zembe, Michelle Galloway, Renee Street and Caradee Wright

While the 2025 national budget boosts health spending, researchers from the South African Medical Research Council stress the need for strong accountability measures. They also raise concerns about rising VAT and omissions related to US funding cuts and climate change.

The 2025 budget speech by Finance Minister Enoch Godongwana saw a welcome boost to the health budget with an increased allocation from R277 billion in 2024/2025 to R329 billion in 2027/2028. This signals a government that is responding to the dire health needs of the public sector, that serves more than 80% of the South African population.

As researchers at the South African Medical Research Council (SAMRC), we listened with interest and share our reflections on some of the critical areas of spend relevant for health and wellbeing.

We note the increase in investment in human resources for health and allocations for early childhood development and social grants. At the same time, we also raise concern about increasing VAT, with knock-on effects for the most vulnerable in our country. There were also worrying omissions in the speech, such as addressing the impact of the United States federal-funding freeze on healthcare services nationally, and a noticeable absence of comment on government’s climate-change plans.

Health and the link with social development: Recognising the importance of early childhood development

Education and specifically early childhood development (ECD) is known to have critical impacts on children’s health and wellbeing, with longstanding effects into youth and adulthood. In South Africa, eight million children go hungry every day, and more than a third of children are reported to live in households below the food poverty line, that is below the income level to meet basic food requirements, not even covering other basic essentials such as clothes.

While the increase in the number of registered ECDs is laudable, many more ECD centres in low-income areas remain unregistered, which means they do not get support from the government in terms of subsidies and oversight.

Social grants

The increase in social grants is welcomed. However, the marginal increase of the Child Support Grant (CSG) by only R30, from R530 to R560, is too little to impact on the high levels of child hunger and malnutrition. The release of the Child Poverty Review in 2023, which highlighted the eight million children going hungry every day, including CSG recipients, proposed the immediate increase of the CSG to at least the Food Poverty Line (R796 in 2024).

Social relief of distress still too small

The Social Relief of Distress (SRD) Grant is an important source of income for low-income, working-age, unemployed adults. Its continuance in 2025 is welcomed. However, it remains too small at R370 per person per month, and the stringent means-test criteria which disrupt continuous receipt from month-to-month, makes it an unreliable, unpredictable source of income for low-income individuals.

Strengthening the healthcare workforce

The Minister stated that “R28.9 billion is added to the health budget, mainly to keep about 9 300 healthcare workers in our hospitals and clinics”. It will also be used to employ 800 post-community service doctors, and to ensure that our pharmacies do not run out of medicines. The speech highlighted the necessary commitment to strengthening the healthcare system, specifically human resources for health.

Considering the pressures on resources, primarily due to the escalating disease burden and challenges within the health workforce, the proposed budget increase from R179 billion to R194 billion – an increase of 8.2% – to maintain the current workforce and employ additional healthcare workers signifies a positive step forward that will aid in addressing staff shortages.

However, this seems to fall short of what is needed to ensure all medical graduates are placed, and government’s own 2030 Human Resources for Health Strategy.

VAT vs. health taxes

Despite the gains in health spending, the proposed increase in VAT raises substantial concerns to partially negate the potential benefits to the health sector. As the World Bank reports that approximately 60% of people living in South Africa live below the poverty line, increases to VAT will likely drive poverty levels higher.

A focus on other forms of taxation may be better, more evidence-based, and less likely to disproportionately affect those at the highest levels of poverty.

On the issue of alcohol taxes, often mischaracterised as “sin taxes” rather than “health taxes”, the Minister has proposed excise duties of 6.75% on most products for 2025/26. This is 2% above consumer inflation, which stands at 4.75%.

Raising alcohol prices through higher excise taxes is globally recognised as an effective way to address alcohol-related harms. National Treasury is to be commended for adjusting alcohol excise tax rates above CPI in the 2025/26 Budget. This is a move in the right direction, but it does not address the current anomalies in tax rates across different products. This failure to address shortcomings in the excise tax regime is expected, given the release of a discussion document on alcohol excise taxes in December 2024 with a February 2025 response date. The earliest we can expect substantial changes in excise tax rates is in February 2026.

From a public-health perspective, it makes sense to link alcohol excise taxes to the absolute alcohol content of the product to standardise across products. Ethanol is ethanol. The current differential in excise tax rates on different alcohol products is indefensible. Specifically, it makes no sense to tax wine and beer so much less than spirits in terms of absolute alcohol content. Wine, especially bag-in-box wine, is the cheapest product on the market in South Africa, and its affordability increases consumption, leading to more societal harm.

Beer is the most consumed product in the country and is increasingly sold in larger, non-resealable containers. A 2015 SAMRC study in Gauteng found the highest level of heavy episodic drinking with beer products, largely due to their affordability, especially in larger, non-resealable containers. Heavy episodic drinking is a major public-health concern in South Africa, with 43.0% of current drinkers engaging in heavy episodic drinking at least monthly, 50.9% of male and 30.3% of female drinkers. Increasing the excise tax on beer is a powerful tool that the state can use to reduce the level of such behaviour.

Additionally, it makes sense to have lower taxes on alcohol products with lower alcohol content, as this could shift consumption to less harmful products. The current excise tax regimen does not account for this within a single product type like beer or wine, as all products are taxed at the same rate regardless of their alcohol content.

During the COVID-19 pandemic, we saw the benefits of decreased access to alcohol: fewer injuries, fewer unnatural deaths, and communities less disrupted by patrons visiting liquor outlets. While no one advocates for total liquor sales bans, increasing excise taxes on wine and beer would decrease alcohol consumption and reduce harms on drinkers, on others around them, and on society more broadly.

Acute risk to lives with knock on effects due to US federal funding cuts

We believe the South African government has a responsibility to step into the gap left by the sudden US federal funding freeze on HIV and TB services. The US President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR) funds 17% of HIV and TB services in South Africa and covers salaries for thousands of health workers, including the vital services of community health workers.

The implications for people living with HIV and TB and affected by the externally funded services will be devastating. It will also have ripple effects on the health system as we see inevitable increases in demand for health services to address advancing illness, effects on families caring for ill relatives or losing income.

This area needs to be addressed and clear communication from the National Department of Health is urgently awaited. The US funding cuts clearly impact on essential research funding available to institutions like the SAMRC and no indication has been given in the budget of any plans to augment or replace such funding.

National Health Insurance for South Africa’s public sector

The Minister addressed budget allocations for NHI implementation, specifically, the mid-term indirect and direct conditional grants for NHI were R8.5 billion and R1.4 billion respectively. Although these amounts in themselves are minor compared to other health-budget allocations, allocations for infrastructure (R37.4 billion over the mid-term economic framework period) and additionally allocations for digital patient health information systems, chronic medicine dispensing and distribution systems, and medicine stock surveillance systems are vital for healthcare efficiency and improved outcomes.

Least said not soonest mended: climate change – ‘no comment’?

From a climate-crisis perspective, although the budget speech did not explicitly mention climate change or its related health challenges, there seems to be positive steps being taken to address these issues. Initiatives such as clean energy projects and efforts to improve water management have the potential to benefit all sectors of society, while helping to mitigate the health risks associated with climate change.

Promising spend on health, but who will measure the impact?

Ultimately, increasing health spend is a promising step to increase access to quality health services for South Africa’s population. However, this is not enough, government must seize the opportunity to translate the budget increase into improved health outcomes. The effectiveness of the additional funds must be maximised through efficiency, transparency, and sound governance. The government can reinforce the integrity of public-health services by aligning these increases with robust accountability measures.

Government-academic partnerships represent an opportunity to share knowledge, technical skills and resources to support evidence-informed decision-making for national health decision-making and strengthen monitoring and evaluation mechanisms. There are many examples of this working well, and we trust that the SAMRC, along with the network of higher education institutions are well placed to provide the necessary support.

*Parry, Bango, Kredo, Zembe, Galloway, Street and Wright are researchers with the SAMRC.

Note: Spotlight aims to deepen public understanding of important health issues by publishing a variety of views on its opinion pages. The views expressed in this article are not necessarily shared by the Spotlight editors.

Republished from Spotlight under a Creative Commons licence.

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Renewed Commitment to Strengthen Public Health Surveillance and Address Disease Outbreaks in Africa

South Africa, March 6, 2025 – The Africa Centres for Disease Control and Prevention (Africa CDC) and Illumina (NASDAQ: ILMN), a global leader in sequencing technology, strengthen their collaboration to advance the Africa Pathogen Genomics Initiative (Africa PGI).

The renewed commitment builds on existing efforts over the last 4 years to address COVID-19 and other infectious disease outbreaks, as well as tackle emerging public health threats and endemic diseases like tuberculosis, malaria, and cholera.

Together, both organisations are focused on broadening access to next-generation sequencing (NGS) tools and expertise and enhancing public health surveillance and laboratory networks across Africa.

“Africa CDC is pleased to continue its collaboration with Illumina and other partners to enhance Africa’s capacity to detect and respond to emerging health threats. Genomics is transforming disease surveillance, and this collaboration will help integrate next-generation sequencing into routine public health systems. Our goal remains clear – by the end of 2025, all 55 National Public Health Institutes (NPHIs) will have operational NGS capacity to better protect Africa’s health.” said H.E. Dr. Jean Kaseya, Director-General, Africa CDC.

Since the inception of this collaboration in March 2021, Illumina has provided significant contributions, including next-generation sequencing (NGS) platforms, reagents, and training support. As a part of this association, additional sequencing instruments and reagents will be provided to around 25 countries. 

“At Illumina, we are driven by the power of genomics to positively impact the world and are deeply committed to improving global health. By expanding access to cutting-edge sequencing technologies, we are helping to create a future where every country can rapidly detect and respond to health threats. Our association with Africa CDC brings us closer to a world where genomics is integrated into routine public health surveillance – enabling faster, more effective responses to disease outbreaks and ultimately saving lives.” said Belinda Ngongo, Director Global Health, Illumina. 

Launched in October 2020, Africa PGI is a flagship initiative of Africa CDC designed to enhance public health surveillance systems across the continent. The program focuses on integrating pathogen genomics and bioinformatics into routine public health efforts, allowing for rapid responses to infectious disease threats, enhanced control and prevention, and the development of more effective diagnostics, treatments, and vaccines. This work will further Africa PGI’s vision of building a resilient, integrated, proactive, and sustainable molecular diagnostic, genomic surveillance, and epidemiology ecosystem across Africa.

In-depth | Will the Latest Private Health Reforms Bring Down Prices?

Photo by cottonbro studio

The government took its first steps towards the implementation of the recommendation of Health Market Inquiry into the private healthcare sector.

By Chris Bateman

Medical aid schemes will be given collective power to negotiate prices, according to draft regulations published last week. While some see the move as an important step toward reining in private healthcare prices, others argue that they do not go far enough and are legally unsound. We spoke to several leading experts about the proposed reforms.

Complaints about the high cost of private healthcare services in South Africa are nothing new. For the last two decades, above inflation increases to medical aid scheme premiums have been the norm. Added to this, many of the 16 or so percent of the population who are members of a scheme will have been asked to pay unexpected out-of-pocket co-payments at some point.

To understand why all this is happening, the Competition Commission launched a Health Market Inquiry (HMI) in 2014. The final HMI report, published in 2019, found that government had failed in its duty to regulate the private health sector, which it described as “neither efficient [nor] competitive”.

This failure in regulation has resulted in a private healthcare market that is “highly concentrated”, “characterised by high and rising costs of healthcare and medical scheme cover, and significant over utilisation without stakeholders being able to demonstrate associated improvements in health outcomes”, Justice Sandile Ngcobo, chairperson of the HMI panel, said at the time.

A key regulatory failure identified by the HMI  was the absence of any effective mechanisms to keep prices under control. Medical aid schemes would set a price that they would cover – but there is nothing stopping healthcare providers from charging much higher prices. This is particularly a problem for prescribed minimum benefits (PMBs) – a set of healthcare services that schemes have to cover in full.

The HMI recommended the establishment of a supply side regulatory authority (SSRA) that would be independent from both government and the private sector. Among others, the SSRA would set maximum tariffs for PMBs as well as reference tariffs for all other health services.

In September 2020, around a year after the HMI report was released, the Competition Commission published a notice that seemed to set the ball rolling on establishing a new tariff negotiating framework along the lines of the HMI recommendation. Their proposed multilateral negotiating forum would have been governed by the Council for Medical Schemes until the SSRA could be established.  But things then largely went silent, until earlier this month.

A new tariff-setting framework

On 14 February 2025, draft regulations published by the Minister of Trade Industry and Competition, Parks Tau, set out a new tariff determination framework for private healthcare in South Africa. At its core are two structures. The Tariffs Governing Body (TGB), consisting mainly of experts responsible for providing oversight in the tariff determination process, and the Multilateral Negotiating Forum (MLNF) made up of multiple stakeholders “which shall serve as the primary forum for collectively determining the maximum tariffs for prescribed and non-prescribed minimum benefits for healthcare services”.

In short, the work of negotiating and determining tariffs will be done by the MLNF, with the TGB providing some oversight and support. The TGB is also empowered to make a tariff determination when the MLNF fails to reach agreement.

The National Department of Health will have substantial control over both structures. Members of the MLNF will be appointed by the Director General of Health, and will include representatives of government, associations representing healthcare practitioners, healthcare funders, civil society, patient and consumer rights organisations, and any other regulatory body within the healthcare sector. The TGB will be located in the National Department of Health and will be chaired by an official of the department.

The regulations came in the form of a draft interim “block exemption” from certain provisions in the Competition Act. Such an exemption is required in order to enable the tariff governing body and the multilateral negotiating forum to function legally. The stated purpose of the exemption is to “contribute to the affordability of quality healthcare services…reduce costs and prevent the overutilization of healthcare services”.

In addition to the “collective determination of healthcare services tariffs”, the exemption also provides for “the collective determination of standardised diagnosis, procedure, medical device and treatment codes”, and “the collective determination of quality measurements/metrics, medicines formularies and treatment protocols/guidelines with the purpose of contributing to affordability of quality healthcare services across both PMBs and non-PMBs, contributing to reducing costs and contributing to the prevention of overutilization of healthcare services”.

The exemption doesn’t apply to everyone in the health sector. While healthcare providers like GPs and specialists are included, hospitals are not included.

Not an independent entity

While generally in favour of implementing the HMI recommendations, several experts Spotlight consulted are critical of how the government is going about it.

One line of criticism has been that the new framework is not sufficiently independent from the health department, as recommended in the HMI report.

Professor Alex van den Heever, Chair of Social Security Systems Administration and Management Studies at the University of the Witwatersrand (Wits), said the regulations deviate from the requirement for independence of any price regulator from political interference – which he points out is expressly addressed by the HMI.

In a media conference on Monday, Health Minister Dr Aaron Motsoaledi cited financial constraints for failing to set up an independent regulatory body. He also said that the department had a “mandate to manage healthcare systems”.

“We’re still looking at various options on an independent regulator, but National Treasury has severe constraints,” he said.

The exemption is for a period of three years and has been described as an interim measure.

Piecemeal implementation?

Another line of criticism is that only some HMI recommendations are being implemented, whereas the HMI stressed the need for an “inter-related” approach. While the tariff-determinations may bring down prices, it will not prevent doctors from, for example, sending people for medically unnecessary scans (a form of overutilisation).

Sharon Fonn, a professor in the School of Public Health at Wits and who was part of the HMI panel, said implementing aspects of the HMI piecemeal will neither foster competition nor protect the consumer.

“Controlling prices achieves little in the absence of the recommended holistic framework, which addresses the incentives of schemes to contract on cost, quality and demand,” she said.

Costs are influenced by both price and demand. The HMI did extensive work to show that supplier-induced demand was a problem – clearly indicating that price controls would achieve nothing in the absence of broader interventions, said Van den Heever.

“You’ll be hard pressed to find tariffs rising much faster than CPI (Consumer Price Index),” said Van den Heever. “Costs rise because of claims volumes, not the tariffs. This is because the frequency of patient consultations or in-patient days can rise in response to a fixing of prices. Providers are in a position to influence this demand. Annually you could have a 3% actual cost increase, with only a third of the increase (one percentage point) due to original price (tariff) changes. This is fully addressed in the HMI,” he added.

In response to criticism over the piecemeal implementation of HMI recommendations, Motsoaledi stressed that the HMI conceded that its recommendations would be implemented in phases.

Questions of scope

Elsabe Klink, an independent healthcare legal consultant and former advisor to the South African Medical Association, said government is mixing up the coding, protocols and Health Technology Assessments (HTA) which, on the HMI recommendations, are not up for negotiation in the MNLF.

“The HMI recommended that those functions be separate. How on earth can people negotiate on how a diabetic patient can be treated. That is a scientific question,” she said.

Klink said the HTA seems to be a veiled attempt at price control, directly for healthcare professionals and indirectly, to bar from the market devices and medications that did not make it onto the protocols or formularies.

“It [the draft regulations] purports to implement Health Market Inquiry recommendations but seems to stray into issues that are integral to NHI implementation as well, notably the HTA Committee,” said Dr Andy Gray, pharmaceutical sciences expert at the University of KwaZulu-Natal and Co-Director of the WHO Collaborating Centre on Pharmaceutical Policy and Evidence Based Practice.

Justifying the HTA measures, Motsoaledi said it was to prevent “the medical arms race” where healthcare practitioners prioritised patient volumes to enable them to beat their opponents in offering the latest technology. “This behaviour ruled by a medical arms race must end,” he said. He did not specifically explain why HTA was included in the exemption and not addressed through other regulations.

Questions of legality

Questions have also been raised over the legality of the regulations and whether or not they’d be vulnerable to litigation.

Van den Heever described the new regulations as “quite strange and extremely untidy, exposing the entire enterprise to legal challenge from the outset”. He said that the exemption bypasses normal legislative processes, that require evidence-based motivations and wide consultation.

He said the exemption went beyond competition concerns by establishing new governance structures that resembled a regulatory framework rather than a competition-related exemption.

“Furthermore, the structures and framework apply to a different minister (Health) – who has the legal authority to establish such a framework – not the Minister of Trade Industry and Competition. The Competition Act provides for exemptions, but only to facilitate competition-related objectives,” he said.

Dr Rajesh Patel, the Head of the Health System Strengthening Department at the Board of Healthcare Funders, had similar concerns. He said he finds it strange that “you need the Department of Trade Industry and Competition to tell the Department of Health to do their work”.

Could providers opt out?

Another contentious, and not entirely clear, aspect of the new framework is whether healthcare providers will be able to charge higher prices than those agreed through the MLNF.

“Perhaps one of the most problematic elements is that to protect patients, there needs to be some system to prevent opting out. It is likely that providers will opt out of this system and pass on additional costs to patients,” warned Fonn.

But, when asked about healthcare providers potentially opting out, Motsoaledi said that if that happened, “we’d be back to square one where everybody can charge whatever they want. I don’t think the HMI wanted that.” He didn’t specifically clarify how the current reforms would prevent healthcare professionals from opting out.

According to the draft regulations, the tariffs determined by the MLNF are “binding on all parties to the agreement”. It does however leave the door open for bilateral negotiations outside of the MLNF, but “only for the purpose of concluding an agreement on reductions, but not increases, on the tariffs for PMBs and non-PMBs as determined by the MLNF process”. There appears to be nothing in the regulations that would prevent healthcare providers from opting out altogether and charging what they like – although it is unclear to what extent, if at all, schemes would reimburse in such instances.

Concerns over timing

On timing, there are both concerns over how long the process has taken so far, and how long it might take going forward. This month’s draft regulations were published roughly five and a half years after the publication of the HMI report. For most of this period, Motsoaledi was not health minister.

Motsoaledi blamed the COVID-19 pandemic and the national elections that followed shortly afterward for the delay.

Health Minister Dr Aaron Motsoaledi. (Photo: Kopano Tlape/GCIS)

Patel expressed serious reservations about the ability of the health department to implement the block exemption process. “If their history is anything to go by, we will see similar delays and consequently, rising healthcare costs,” he said.

Patel said that the quickest solution to render private healthcare more affordable would be if the Competition Commission granted exemptions to allow medical schemes to collectively negotiate tariffs with willing healthcare providers. The health department, he said, need not be involved at all.

“We have serious reservations about the Department of Trade, Industry and Competition putting the power in the Department of Health’s hands to manage the block exemption process. They have actively kept private healthcare expensive and inaccessible to justify the implementation of the NHI,” he claimed.

Spotlight sent written questions to the Department of Health last week and during Monday’s media conference. Though some of our questions were addressed in the media conference, others had not been responded to by the time of publication.

– Additional reporting by Marcus Low.

Republished from Spotlight under a Creative Commons licence.

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It is a Time for Solutions, Says Prof Tulio de Oliveira in Face of US Funding Cuts

Professor Tulio de Oliveira. (Photo: Supplied)

By Biénne Huisman

Cuts to United States spending on aid and medical research have caused widespread havoc and anxiety in the last month. Professor Tulio de Oliveira sat down with Spotlight’s Biénne Huisman to talk through what it might mean for health research in South Africa.

As the Trump administration moves to freeze foreign aid, halting vital humanitarian health programmes and medical research trials worldwide – leaving patients cut off from lifesaving medicines and scientists in a bind – Professor Tulio de Oliveira argues that the United States stand to lose far more from this move than its 1% government investment in foreign aid.

The non-partisan Pew Research Center recently released figures showing that of the American government’s total 2023 budget, 1.2% or about $71.9 billion was spent on foreign aid. Of this foreign aid budget, 14.7% or about $10.6 billion was earmarked for the “ongoing battle against HIV/AIDS” and 2% or about $1.5 billion for “combatting pandemic influenza and other emerging public health threats”.

Speaking to Spotlight in a boardroom at the Centre for Epidemic Response and Innovation (CERI) at Stellenbosch University, De Oliveira says: “Spending on biosecurity is an investment in the future – I think the United States benefits much more from our research and our work than what we cost them.” Biosecurity refers to measures designed to protect populations against harmful biological or biochemical substances.

During the height of the COVID-19 pandemic, De Oliveira, a professor in bioinformatics, shot to global attention for leading the South African team credited with discovering the Beta and Omicron variants of SARS-CoV-2. Now, in the face of a new global health upheaval, he insists that cross-border scientific collaboration is critical for combating the global spread of disease.

“Pathogens don’t need passports, they don’t care about nationality,” he says, referencing former World Health Organisation Director-General, Dr Margaret Chan, who first used the phrase at the 2007 World Health Assembly.

Professor Tulio de Oliveira. (Photo: Supplied)

De Oliveira is a native Brazilian who speaks accented English. During his interview with Spotlight, his demeanour is calm and his speech unrushed as he expands: “It’s of great interest to America to keep investing – not as a kind of donation, or because we’re entitled to it – but because of how it helps them. We just came out of a pandemic and America actually had much bigger waves of infection than many of the poor countries.”

He lists recent global population health threats: “Like with Covid, now we have influenza; and the virus is mutating, transmitting through multiple animals. We just had an outbreak of Marburg in Rwanda and another one in Kenya. We had an emergence of mpox in central Africa. We had an emergence in Sudan of a strain of Ebola. In Uganda, a growing rate of malaria drug resistance.

“And in the last year, the US saw the biggest number of TB cases ever. So it’s of critical interest that these pathogens get quickly identified, are quickly controlled, that you treat people so that it doesn’t spread to other countries. In the end, it’s the health of the global population, it doesn’t matter which country we live in or how wealthy people are.”

Major funding cuts

Scores of South African research groups (many who provide affiliated public healthcare services) have in the past received funding from United States government entities – including the National Institutes of Health (NIH), the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), USAID, and the President’s Emergency Plan for Aids Relief (PEPFAR).

Many of these funding flows have been paused in recent weeks by the Trump administration. As a result, several important clinical trials have been stopped. The impacts are far-reaching – around 28% of the South African Medical Research Council’s (SAMRC) 2025/2026 budget was set to be funded by US government entities. Professor Ntobeko Ntusi, President of the SAMRC, told Spotlight that it would be catastrophic if the funding is cut.

Adding further uncertainty, prominent vaccine sceptic Robert F. Kennedy has been confirmed as the US’s health secretary under the Trump administration. Kennedy has argued that the NIH should reduce its focus on infectious diseases and dedicate more resources to non-communicable diseases like diabetes. The US government has until now been by far the biggest funder of both HIV and TB research.

De Oliveira appears unflustered. At CERI, of which he is the founding director, he says only 7% of funding is from the NIH – “and we have reason to believe that the current NIH grants that we have will not be discontinued”. One such grant was for R40 million over five years awarded in 2023 to CERI’s Professor Frank Tanser for designing HIV prevention strategies.

In fact, De Oliveira says CERI and the KwaZulu-Natal Research Innovation and Sequencing Platform (KRISP) which he also heads, are expanding. Both centres use state-of-the-art genomics – the study of the DNA of organisms – to identify new variants of pathogens and to prevent disease.

“Yes, the opposite, we’re in an expansion phase,” says De Oliveira.

“Just last week, we advertised five post-doctoral fellowship positions. We hope that we can even absorb some of the great talent that may be lost from groups that were unfortunately more reliant on American funding.”

He stresses the importance of having a diversified funding portfolio, saying the work of CERI and KRISP is funded through 46 active grants with another 9 in the offing. “We have multiple grants from multiple funders from multiple countries. So again, I know it’s easily said, but I think it’s something that we should learn going forward, not to grow too reliant on one funder.”

Filling the gap

If the United States pulls back permanently from its leadership role in providing global aid – and medical research funding in particular – who might fill the gap?

The New Yorker quotes Clemence Landers, vice-president of the think tank Centre for Global Development, suggesting that China might come forward.

In response, De Oliveira says: “China could fill the gap. But people don’t realise the biggest foundation in the world at the moment is called the Novo Nordisk Foundation in Denmark which is linked to the company that had the massive breakthrough with Ozempic. They could easily fill the gap if they wanted. There are others as well. I would not be surprised if a completely unexpected foundation came forward to fill the gap.”

Reflecting further, he expresses hope that “people with noble causes step up”.

In 2022, TIME Magazine named De Oliveira one of the world’s 100 most influential people, and in 2024 he cracked the magazine’s top 100 health list. Has this public recognition made it easier for him to attract funding? He shrugs this off.

“We’re really committed to having a global impact that saves lives. And that commitment is not centralised in the director, but in our vision shared across principal investigators. And this is really important for the sustainability of organisations. I get offered good jobs every couple of weeks, and I mean even though I don’t intend on going anywhere, anything could happen. For example, two weeks ago I was skateboarding and cracked my ribs.”

In a moment of levity, he elaborates: “And this is the fifth time I cracked my ribs. Once was while skateboarding, another while snowboarding, surfing, once while mountain biking and another time falling from a children’s tractor.”

De Oliveira moved to South Africa in 1997, as the AIDS crisis was heading toward its peak. He says he feels “eternally grateful” for the boost PEPFAR brought to South Africa’s HIV-programme, adding that today the country might be in a “better position to absorb the loss of the funding than say five, ten years ago”.

He notes that 17% of South Africa’s HIV/AIDS spending was from PEPFAR, but that this does not include the procurement of antiretrovirals. “So yes, I think as South Africans we might be in a position to come up with solutions, as the programme is very well run.”

De Oliveira’s concern is for more vulnerable African countries – he singles out Mozambique – which are reliant on foreign aid for the procurement of medicines like antiretrovirals.

Needless to say, these recent events are a setback in the quest to develop an HIV vaccine. “When you decrease investment in research and science, you keep further away from developing the solutions,” he says. “But in terms of HIV/AIDS, luckily there are antiretroviral therapies that are very efficient.”

As we wrap up the interview, De Oliveira zooms out to the bigger picture: “Unfortunately, we are destroying the environment, there’s increased globalisation and crazy urbanisation, and this is making it easier for infectious diseases to spread.

“This is a challenging time for scientific and medical research. A time to develop solutions.”

Republished from Spotlight under a Creative Commons licence.

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US Funding Remains Frozen for Many Life-saving Services

Despite waivers, court judgments and assurances from the embassy, USAID funding for projects that provide HIV medication has not resumed

The Ivan Toms Centre for Health building in Green Point, Cape Town. Photo: Jesse Copelyn

By Jesse Copelyn

Numerous South African health projects funded by the US President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR) remain closed. This is despite a federal court judgment which ordered President Donald Trump’s administration to lift the blanket freeze on global aid.

A waiver on life-saving humanitarian services appears to have had little effect. Funding remains frozen for many projects that provided services explicitly covered by the waiver, such as antiretroviral (ARV) medicines for people with HIV.

A spokesperson for one of these projects said that the United States Agency for International Development Aid (USAID) had not provided any communication regarding the waiver, despite requests for information.

A second organisation said USAID instructed it to provide an adapted budget that only covers services included in the waiver. The organisation submitted it, but it has not yet been approved. The organisation supports orphaned children living with HIV.

CDC funding

PEPFAR is a US initiative that provides billions of dollars a year toward combating HIV in different parts of the world. These funds are primarily distributed through two agencies: USAID and the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC).

In late January USAID issued stop-work orders to the organisations which it funds. A few days later, the CDC did the same. This was after an executive order by Trump which paused foreign development funding for 90 days pending a review. As a result, US-funded health organisations across South Africa were forced to close their doors. In some cases, HIV patients were left without ARVs.

Last week the CDC issued notifications to its recipient organisations rescinding the stop-work orders. The CDC stated that this was because of a temporary restraining order issued by a federal judge in Rhode Island that halted the Trump administration’s ability to freeze congressional funds. Since then, many South African organisations that get money from the CDC have reopened.

See also: How USAid freeze sent shockwaves through Ethiopia published in The Guardian

But USAID did not send out similar notifications. PEPFAR funds from this agency largely remain frozen.

In a separate judgment on 13 February, a federal judge in Washington DC blocked the implementation of Trump’s executive order to freeze foreign aid. The administration’s lawyers have argued that the US government can continue to freeze aid via other channels unrelated to the executive order.

Dangerous disruption

GroundUp and Spotlight visited three health centres in South Africa funded by USAID, and found all three remained closed. Representatives from a fourth USAID-funded organisation confirmed that its funding has not been restored, and that its partner organisation was in the same boat.

The first centre that we visited is a clinic in Rosebank, Johannesburg, run by OUT LGBT Wellbeing. It provided free HIV testing, ARVs, and the daily HIV-prevention pill (this is referred to as Pre-exposure Prophylaxis or PrEP). It’s one of several US-funded clinics that OUT operates around the country.

Its services are geared toward men who have sex with men. The reason is that rates of HIV are high among this group, and stigma may prevent some from seeking help in general healthcare settings.

When we visited the centre in Rosebank, a note was tied to the gate, stating: “Regrettably our clinic is temporarily closed and consequently no health services are available”. It encouraged patients to go to their nearest health facility.

According to OUT spokesperson Luiz De Barros, the clinics were forced to halt immediately after stop-work orders were issued. This prevented them from making alternative plans, leaving many people without ARVs or PrEP.

He said the centres had a total of 84 staff, who are now “at home without pay”, and about 5000 clients. Without their ARVs, De Barros worries that many clients are at risk of falling ill or developing drug-resistant HIV. Stopping HIV prevention services like PrEP will also “heighten the spread of HIV within communities,” he noted.

De Barros said they had not yet received any communication from USAID about the limited waiver, despite asking for information.

A clause in the waiver says it does not apply to “gender or DEI [diversity, equality and inclusion] ideology programs”. The Trump administration has not spelled out exactly what these terms mean, but it appears that DEI includes any health project which targets particular groups, like LGBTQ people.

GroundUp and Spotlight visited a second health centre in Hillbrow run by the WITS Reproductive Health Institute (RHI). A sign on the gate stated: “USAID has served the WITS RHI Key Populations Programme a notice to pause programme implementation. As of Tuesday, 28 January, we are unable to provide services until further notice.”

WITS RHI’s annual reports suggest that USAID has previously sponsored its projects to treat and prevent HIV, including among high-risk groups like sex workers and transgender people.

The third health facility that we visited is the Ivan Toms Centre for Health, based in Green Point, Cape Town. A temporary closure notification hung from the door. The centre provided HIV and TB testing, ARVs, PrEP, and counselling services – all focused on men who have sex with men.

Representatives from a fourth organisation, NACOSA, told GroundUp and Spotlight that it had been forced to halt all of its USAID-funded services. Subsequently, USAID instructed the organisation to provide a revised budget which only includes activities listed under the waiver. As part of this limited budget, NACOSA proposed retaining a project which helps orphaned and vulnerable children living with HIV in the Western Cape.

Dr Ntlotleng Mabena, a technical specialist at NACOSA, said the project provides these children with psychological support and connects them to health providers. Clinical workers linked to the ANOVA health institute (which is also US-funded) provide the children with ARV treatment, she said.

NACOSA submitted the revised budget with the hope of restarting this service, but they are still awaiting approval. Mabena stated that ANOVA was also waiting for permission to continue. In the meantime, the service remains closed.

The US embassy in South Africa maintains that Trump’s funding cuts do not affect PEPFAR initiatives that provide life-saving services as defined in the limited waiver.

Yet all of the life-saving PEPFAR services that we investigated on Thursday are closed. The only services which have reopened are those funded by the CDC, which is unrelated to the waiver.

Sign outside a Wits RHI clinic in Johannesburg. Photo: Ihsaan Haffejee

Published by GroundUp and Spotlight

Correction on 2025-02-21 12:29

Three paragraphs were removed from the article after publication because of confusion that arose as to whether they were on the record or not.

Republished from GroundUp under a Creative Commons Attribution-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.

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ANC and its Ministers Reject Reports of NHI ‘Concessions’

Photo by Hush Naidoo Jade Photography on Unsplash

By Chris Bateman

Recent media reports over the future of NHI have been contradictory and hard to make sense of. Spotlight chased up those in a position to know where things stand – it seems the ANC has not in fact made any major concessions on NHI. There is however agreement that medical schemes won’t be phased out in the next few years, something that likely wouldn’t have happened in any case given the poor state of the economy and the long timeline for NHI implementation. 

The ANC is holding firm on the NHI Act with Health Minister Dr Aaron Motsoaledi and the National Health Department “unaware of any compromise deals”, and the President’s office saying engagement with Business Unity SA (BUSA) is “ongoing”.

In spite of recent media reports to the contrary, neither President Cyril Ramaphosa nor Motsoaledi have conceded to any BUSA proposals on amending sections of the NHI Act. BUSA is the country’s apex business association and represents the banking, mining, and retail sectors, including the Health Funders Association, the Hospital Association of South Africa, and the Innovative Pharmaceuticals Association of South Africa.

BUSA, and several other critics of the Act, have argued that provisions should be removed that prohibit medical schemes from covering any health services covered by the NHI fund. The NHI Act has not yet been promulgated. If promulgated in its current form, the role of medical schemes will be dramatically reduced.

The DA’s spokesperson on health, Michele Clarke, told Spotlight that at the establishment of the recent GNU-convened Medium Term Development Plan (MTDP), agreement was reached that the health department would “not de-establish medical aids during the current government’s term of office”.

Spotlight understands that this amounts to a commitment not to promulgate the relevant sections of the Act in the next few years – it does not amount to a commitment to remove those sections from the act.

This is a pyrrhic victory, given that the implementation of NHI was always going to be a long-term project and that even in the most pro-NHI scenarios, the effective phasing out of medical schemes in the next few years was highly unlikely. There are also four legal challenges being brought on procedural and constitutional grounds that may further delay things.

Mist of confusion

Last week’s mist of confusion lifted when both the Presidency and Dr Stavros Nicolaou, speaking to Spotlight on behalf of BUSA, said no concessions have been made on NHI. Motsoaledi’s office also flatly denied reports that there had been any ANC or GNU compromise to remove parts of the NHI legislation that would render medical aids almost obsolete. The Spokesperson for the National Department of Health, Foster Mohale, added that he was unaware of any MTDP agreement on medical aids.

Vincent Magwenya, a spokesperson for the president, told Spotlight he was “unaware of any process leading to the amendment of the NHI Act”, claiming that Maropene Ramokgopa, Minister in the Presidency responsible for Planning, Monitoring and Evaluation, was misquoted last week.

She was quoted in news reports as saying the ANC and the DA had reached an “unofficial understanding on the NHI” following an ANC compromise to remove parts of the NHI legislation that would collapse medical aids. “Ms Ramokgopa tells me she was misreported,” said Magwenya.

Chris Laubscher, the DA’s communications head, told Spotlight: “There was never confirmation by [DA leader who is also Minister of Agriculture] John Steenhuisen that the NHI in its entirety had been excluded from the government’s Medium Term Development Plan.”

The new MTDP has not yet been made public.

Charity Ophelia McCord, the spokesperson for Steenhuisen, said the MTDP had yet to be completed and passed, but was on the Cabinet agenda for Wednesday, February 12. Spotlight was not able to verify if this was discussed.

Meanwhile, Mohale said both the health department and the minister were unaware of any compromise deal, “thus the implementation of the NHI Act continues as per the plans”.

Cannot be changed over night

If at some point the NHI Act is to be amended, the process is likely to take several years, according to Professor Olive Shisana, Social Policy Special Advisor to Ramaphosa on the NHI and health systems strengthening.

“Any process for changing an enacted law normally goes through Parliament, including an amendment from the executive,” Shisana explained. “There would first have to be consultation with the public before it even got to Parliament. Then, when it gets to Parliament there’s more consultation, this time in each of the provincial legislatures, after which it goes to the Portfolio Committee on Health which also takes written submissions. The committee then decides whether to submit it to the National Assembly. If the National Assembly passes it, it goes to the National Council of Provinces which considers each province’s input. Government took five years to get this NHI Act in place, so you can imagine it might take about as long to get parts of it excised or reversed. That’s the normal route it would have to take, I’m afraid.”

However, both the DA and BUSA are adamant that the Act needs to be changed.

Clarke said the DA remained of the view that “multiple parts of the [Act] remain problematic and dangerous for the future of healthcare in South Africa”.

She added: “The DA wants the model underpinning the NHI to be completely reworked and multiple problematic clauses amended by Parliament to ensure that the healthcare model is protected and strengthened.”

BUSA met with Ramaphosa in September last year and tabled a proposal which included striking Section 33 – which effectively collapses private medical aids as they now exist, creating a single national fund – from the NHI Act. It also calls for the implementation of mandatory health insurance which it is argued will take pressure off the public health system and bolster existing medical aids. The president has since passed it on to Motsoaledi’s office.

Neither BUSA nor the responding government parties have given any indication of when they might next meet or pronounce on the proposal.

Rejection of NHI

Meanwhile, the United Healthcare Access Coalition (UHAC), a grouping claiming to represent 80% of all private healthcare stakeholders, lodged a detailed alternative proposal with the president’s office. This entirely rejects the NHI and focuses on rehabilitating the healthcare system based on a synthesis of far-reaching recommendations which various commissions and experts have made over several decades, including the Taylor Commission and the more recent Health Market Inquiry (HMI).

In January this year, Motsoaledi promised to pronounce on the implementation of the HMI recommendations from 2019 “within weeks”. As reported by Business Day, there indeed seems to now finally be some movement on the HMI recommendations with Minister of Trade Industry and Competition Parks Tau having gazetted an exemption that newly opens the door for tariff setting in the private health sector – a move that may help rein in runaway healthcare costs.

UHAC spokesperson Dr Aslam Dasoo described their report as “everything that the NHI is not”.

“Our health pathway requires easy legislative changes and is within current fiscal constraints. We can start the process immediately. It requires a change in governance structure of the provincial health systems where politicians relinquish all direct authority over health care institutions and instead focus on strategic policy,” he previously told Spotlight.

In an online briefing launching the UHAC on Wednesday, February 12, Dasoo warned all parties in the GNU to “consider their options” as they would be “held jointly responsible” should the NHI be implemented to the detriment of South Africa.

Another UHAC executive member and CEO of the SA Private Practitioners Forum, Dr Simon Strachan, said the focus of their universal healthcare plan was on providing equitable, implementable, and sustainable healthcare.

“We need to ensure that those who can look after themselves, do (financially), while subsidising those who cannot afford to. It’s one hundred percent dependent on improving health service delivery within the public sector and creating a competitive market for people to decide where and how they access healthcare,” he said.

The UHAC coalition includes NGO’s, patient advocacy groups, the SA Medical Association, the South African Private Practitioners Forum, and the Progressive Healthcare Forum.

Asked what UHAC’s “Plan B” was if they “hit a brick wall” on their detailed proposals, Dasoo said the GNU was obliged to respond to such a widely representative proposal “otherwise they’re not fit to govern”.

Referring to the ANC, he said the party “neglected the two major healthcare systems, allowing real degradation of the public sector and an unregulated private sector with no market growth, resulting in prices going up”. He added: “If there’s any brick wall, it’s the one they’ve built.”

Republished from Spotlight under a Creative Commons licence.

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No Clear Government Plan Yet to Confront US Aid Cuts

Photo by Reynaldo #brigworkz Brigantty

By Ufrieda Ho

South Africa’s National Department of Health is still to outline a clear contingency plan as a United States (US) funding freeze puts lives at risk, spells job losses, and presents threats to keeping HIV and TB under control.

The ripple effects of US President Donald Trump’s 90-day freeze of funding on foreign aid programmes have hit South Africa hard. The damage is being counted at multiple levels – even as some limited funding flows are being restored.

For the country, the fallout has heightened civil society’s calls for a prompt, implementable plan to fill the gaps in care and services. Also needed, they say, is clarity on longer-term strategies for greater self-sufficiency in the country’s HIV responses as donor-funded models look increasingly precarious. Such an argument for increased independence in Africa and the global south was made by president of the South African Medical Research Council (SAMRC), Professor Ntobeko Ntusi, writing in the journal Nature.

South Africa should have been better prepared and not caught off guard to be left in the position it now finds itself in, some beneficiaries of US-funded projects told Spotlight. They were speaking on condition of anonymity, given the risk of public comments jeopardising their prospects of having their funding restored.

The immediate need is to ensure that the country’s overburdened and under-resourced public clinic system is able to absorb the tens of thousands of people living with HIV who will have to use public facilities. This is partly because the NGOs they have relied on have been forced to close shop – virtually overnight. Clinics catering to specific groups, such as men who have sex with men, have been particularly hard hit.

South Africa is the largest global recipient of President’s Emergency Plan for Aids Relief (PEPFAR) funds. These funds make its way to South Africa through the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) and the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC). Through PEPFAR, USAID has been funding and supporting local NGOs and our Department of Health for around two decades. According to USAID’s website, it invested $5.6 billion (roughly R100 billion at the current rand/dollar exchange rate) between 2004 and 2020 towards prevention and treatment of HIV and TB in South Africa.

Trump’s initial executive order, signed on 20 January, halted funding received via USAID. USAID is an agency of the US government that now falls under the State Department under the leadership of Secretary of State Marco Rubio. Since taking office, Trump has slated USAID as “corrupt” and run by “radical left lunatics”.

The Washington head offices of USAID were closed on Friday 7 February as per Trump’s orders and even as the 90-day review period had just got underway, signage on the building was being removed or taped over. Trump’s actions have now been challenged in courts with successful temporary blocks to his orders to place 2 200 USAID workers in the US on paid leave and to reinstate 500 US-based staff who were already placed on administrative leave from when the order was first signed. The situation is highly fluid and several court actions remain in progress.

Some limited relief

In South Africa, NGOs that received USAID funding remain largely in limbo. Although the United States mission in South Africa confirmed that some PEPFAR-funded services could continue in the country, it is subject to some relatively strict limitations and with no assurances of longer term support. As is clear from reporting by Bhekisisa, the process to get at least some funding to flow again to PEPFAR-supported projects is not straight forward.

There was some good news this week linked to PEPFAR-funding channelled through the CDC – a US federal agency under the Department of Health and Human Services. Following a court order, organisations getting these funds should for now be able to continue their work. However, the court process is far from over and the future prospects of NGOs that depend on CDC funds remains precarious.

Given these ongoing uncertainties and severe disruptions to cash flows, Spotlight understands that some large NGOs may have to close down, while others may have to drastically reduce their services. As reported by Spotlight and GroundUp, several NGOs have appealed to the private sector for assistance. As it stands, thousands of people employed or contracted by local NGOs face the loss of their jobs, cut-backs and deepening anxiety over income security. These people include community health workers, peer counsellors, patient navigators, community activists and advocates, support and administrative staff members, and contract workers who keep these organisations functioning.

At stake too are specialised services for so-called key populations such as sex workers, men who have sex with men, the LGBTQI+ community, and people who use drugs. Until recently, a focus on improving services for key populations was generally accepted, including by PEPFAR, to be the right strategy given the disproportionate risk of HIV infection in these groups. But under the Trump administration’s “anti-woke” agenda, it seems likely that many services aimed at key populations are set to be defunded.

A White House media note on 29 January made clear the US’s stance: “The previously announced 90-day pause and review of U.S. foreign aid is already paying dividends to our country and our people. We are rooting out waste. We are blocking woke programs. And we are exposing activities that run contrary to our national interests. None of this would be possible if these programs remained on autopilot.”

A timeline of the US aid cuts


20 January

90-day pause 

In an executive order, US President Donald Trump orders a 90-day pause in US foreign development for “assessment of programmatic efficiencies and consistency with United States foreign policy”. 

26 January

USAID funding paused 

US Secretary of State Marco Rubio pauses all US foreign assistance funded by or through the State Department and US Agency for International Development (USAID) for review. 

28 January

Waiver issued 

Subject to certain conditions, Rubio issues a waiver stating: “Implementers of existing life-saving humanitarian assistance programs should continue or resume work if they have stopped.” 

1 February

Waiver clarified 

The extent of the January 28 waiver is clarified in a memo from the US Department of State. 

5 February

Health portfolio committee briefing 

South Africa’s Health Minister Dr Aaron Motsoaledi briefs Parliament on the US funding cuts and their impact on healthcare services. 

7 February

South Africa singled out 

In an executive order applying only to South Africa, Trump orders that “the United States shall not provide aid or assistance to South Africa”. 

10 February

Waiver still applies 

The US mission in South Africa releases an FAQ in which they state that PEPFAR activities that fall under the limited waiver will resume despite the February 7 executive order. 

12 February

CDC grants reinstated 

The grants of NGOs receiving support through the CDC are reinstated following a court order issued in a US court. 


Crisis of fear, silence, and uncertainty

Spotlight understands that staff of affected NGOs have essentially been forbidden from speaking publicly about the 90-day funding freeze. Many declined to speak on the record to Spotlight, even anonymously – too afraid it might affect the decision on their funding after the 90-day review period.

According to an FAQ by the US mission in South Africa that was published on February 10, they have been communicating with the South African government, though it is not clear when this happened. Five days earlier on 5 February, Health Minister Dr Aaron Motsoaledi told Parliament’s Portfolio Committee that he had not had any official communication from the US government on the matter.

Figures from Motsoaledi’s presentation showed that in 2023/2024, PEPFAR funding to South Africa’s health department amounted to 17% of its spending on HIV. Funding totals R4.6 billion for staffing and R2.9 billion for running costs for NGOs. These NGOs include organisations working directly with people living with HIV, mobile units and youth organisations and programmes. PEPFAR focuses on the 27 districts in South Africa with the highest disease burden.

The health department did not respond to Spotlight’s questions on contingencies, or details of next steps to fill the funding gaps or how capacity and resources will be redirected to avert catastrophe. Motsoaledi did not give any of these details in his presentation to Parliament either.

What he did say was that since Trump’s executive order came into place, the health department had hosted a meeting with the provincial leads on HIV and TB; conducted assessments on the immediate impacts of the executive order; met with people living with HIV and engaged with SANAC to finalise a sustainability framework.

collective of activist organisations, including the Health Justice Initiative, SECTION27, the Cancer Alliance, Treatment Action Campaign, Sweat, PSAM and the African Alliance, have pressed the Department of Health to create an “urgent co-ordinated emergency plan” along with an increased budget to avert a looming disaster.

The activists highlighted that despite the announcement by the Trump administration that some NGOs could apply for a waiver, many have had no practical way to do so without ways to communicate with their USAID contacts. This as USAID employees were placed under a work stop order and were shut out of their offices and denied access to their work emails.

The appeal from the collective also extends to protecting the work of academic and clinical research in the fields of HIV, TB, and cervical cancer that will also be affected by the funding freeze. As Spotlight reported, around 28% of the South African Medical Research Council’s budget for 2025/2026 was set to come from the United States government.

An ‘unreal world’

Professor Linda-Gail Bekker, chief executive officer at the Desmond Tutu Health Foundation, said Trump’s actions put in jeopardy the goal to finally have epidemic control of HIV – and right at the final hurdles.

“We have made amazing progress. And thank you to PEPFAR that helped us to get this far, but the work is not over. For the US to pull out at this point is a massive loss of investment; it’s also regression. It’s like getting to the end of a book but having the last chapters torn out before you can read it,” said Bekker.

She said PEPFAR funding has made it possible to build a formidable cohort of lay and professional people trained and dedicated to their roles that supported public healthcare in the most critical ways.

“These are individuals who distribute antiretrovirals, distribute pre-exposure prophylaxis, find and trace individuals who’ve been lost to care. They take services into communities, to outside of the health facilities, and made the effort to go the last mile to find those individuals – that is how you close down the epidemic,” Bekker said.

Her caution too is that loosening a grip on HIV control means potential surges in tuberculosis. “HIV and TB track together all the time, and an HIV epidemic that is once again out of control, almost certainly means what will follow is a TB epidemic that is out of control,” Bekker said.

Trump has created an “unreal world”, said Dr Andy Gray of the University of KwaZulu-Natal, who has also worked with the World Health Organization (WHO) in various capacities over two decades. “People are being held to ransom; and people are scared.”

“We have always been used to the oscillation between the United States’ Republican and Democratic administrations; things may be a little uncomfortable or there may be some disruption, but not this ‘let’s burn down the house’ approach taken by the Trump administration,” he said.

“There is no consideration of human rights or for human beings anywhere in the world, including America,” he added, pointing out too that the CDC has for the first time in 60 years been instructed to cease publishing weekly mortality and morbidity data, despite a breakout of avian flu (H5) in the country.

For Gray, South Africa’s strategic health response in the wake of this crisis should be to shift from a donor-funded model. His concern, however, is that with a stretched South African purse and with competing priorities, the HIV response will slip down the list.

Gray said that better self-sufficiency comes from eliminating waste, investing in employing the right people in the right jobs as well as investing in efficient systems.

He added that National Treasury will have to redirect money for the interim shortfall left by the US funding freeze, and provinces will have to step up by getting their houses in order.

South Africa, he warned, should ready itself for the “worst case scenario” once the 90-day review period is up.

SANAC response

The South African National AIDS Council (SANAC) role is meant to bring together government, civil society and the private sector to create a collective response to HIV, TB and STIs in South Africa. But if there is a crisis strategy from the council, it has not yet been announced.

SANAC head of communications, Nelson Dlamini, said that they have been left in a position of not being able to engage publicly because they haven’t had any direct communication with PEPFAR’s and USAID representatives based in Pretoria.

“PEPFAR is a government-to-government agreement and there ought to be official communication with the government of South Africa so we know what this means for our working relationship, but nothing has been forthcoming,” said Dlamini. “SANAC is a co-ordinator so we have to still coordinate. We are engaging in the background with relevant structures but we can’t say we are doing X, Y, Z till we have a sit down with PEPFAR,” he said.

Republished from Spotlight under a Creative Commons licence.

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SA Health Research Facing Catastrophic Financing Cuts

Professor Ntobeko Ntusi is the president and CEO of the South African Medical Research Council. (Photo: SAMRC)

By Catherine Tomlinson

Cuts to United States funding of health research could have “catastrophic” consequences, says Professor Ntobeko Ntusi, who is at the helm of the country’s primary health research funder. He says the South African Medical Research Council is “heavily exposed” to the cuts, with around 28% of its budget coming from US federal agencies.

After an unprecedented two weeks of aid cuts by the United States government that left HIV programmes and research efforts across the world reeling, the Trump administration took the drastic step of freezing aid to South Africa in an executive order on 7 February.

The order – which is a directive to the executive branch of the US government and holds the weight of law – was issued to respond to what the White House called “egregious actions” by South Africa. It specifically points to the Expropriation Act and the country’s accusation of genocide against Israel at the International Court of Justice as the primary reasons for the funding freeze.

While there are some limited wavers and exceptions to the cuts, Spotlight understands that these have so far been poorly communicated and many HIV services remain in limbo.

The funding cuts, following an earlier executive order issued on 20 January,  are interrupting critical health research underway across South Africa and will ultimately undermine global efforts to stop HIV and TB.

The US is a major source of financing for health research in South Africa. Many of the country’s research institutes, groups, and universities receive funding from the US through the National Institutes of Health (NIH), the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), USAID, and the President’s Emergency Plan for Aids Relief (PEPFAR).

Over the past few weeks, these funding sources have come under siege by the Trump administration resulting in a gaping, and most likely insurmountable financing gap, for many health research endeavors in the country.

US spending accounts for just over half (55%) of all spending on global health research around the world. In 2022, the super power spent $5.4 billion on global health research, according to Impact Global Health –  an NPO that tracks health research spending.

While the US gives money to global health research through several different government departments and programmes, the largest source of funding for global health research is the NIH. The NIH contributed 65% of global financing for HIV research between 2007 and 2022, according to Impact Global Health and 34% of tuberculosis research financing in 2023, according to New York-based policy think tank, the Treatment Action Group.

South Africa has the biggest HIV epidemic in the world in absolute terms and is among the top 10 countries in terms of TB cases per capita.

Catastrophic consequences

“South Africa is the biggest recipient of NIH funding outside of the US”, Professor Ntobeko Ntusi, president and CEO of the South African Medical Research Council (SAMRC), told Spotlight. “[T]he consequences will be catastrophic if [funding] is stopped… for science that is important for the whole world,” he said.

South Africa plays a critical role in advancing HIV science, said Ntusi, adding that “many of the major trials that have advanced our understanding of both the effective strategies for HIV management, as well as understanding the mechanisms of disease emanated from South Africa”.

People in the US, for example, are now able to access long-acting HIV prevention shots, largely because of research that was conducted in South Africa and Uganda. Research conducted in South Africa has also been critical to validating new tuberculosis treatments that are currently the standard of care across the world.

Heavily exposed

Stop work orders were sent to research groups receiving USAID funding at the end of January. These stop work orders coupled with the halting of funding have already interrupted critical HIV research efforts, including efforts to develop new vaccines against HIV.

Ntusi said that the SAMRC is currently “heavily exposed” to the halting of grants from USAID and the CDC, with research programmes supported by USAID and the CDC already being stopped.

The SAMRC’s research on infectious diseases, gender-based violence, health systems strengthening, as well as disease burden monitoring are also affected by the funding cuts.

“In addition to support for HIV research, we have significant CDC grant funding in our burden of disease research unit, the research unit that publishes weekly statistics on morbidity and mortality in South Africa,” said Ntusi. “Our health systems research unit has a number of CDC grants which have been stopped [and] in our gender and health research unit we had a portfolio of CDC funding which also has been stopped.”

Along with programmes being impacted by the halting of USAID and CDC funding, Ntusi said there will also be major staffing ramifications at the SAMRC as well as at universities.

He said that if funding from the NIH is stopped “there would be huge fallout, we just wouldn’t be able to cover the hundreds of staff that are employed through the NIH granting process”.

The SAMRC’s combined annual income from US grants (NIH, CDC and USAID) is 28% of its total earnings (including both the disbursement from the SA government as well as all external contracts) for the 2025/2026 financial year, according to Ntusi. “So, this is substantial – effectively a third of our income is from US federal agencies,” he said.

Pivot away from infectious disease?

In addition to the executive order freezing funding to South Africa, it is unknown whether the NIH will remain a dominant funder of global health. Robert F. Kennedy Jr., the US health secretary nominee, has called for cutting to the NIH’s infectious disease research spending to focus more on chronic diseases.

Looking beyond health, Ntusi said the executive order halting aid to South Africa will be felt across a range of different development initiatives such as water and sanitation, and climate change.

Republished from Spotlight under a Creative Commons licence.

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Over 15 000 South African Health Workers’ Jobs are at Risk as US Cuts Aid

Photo by Scott Graham on Unsplash

By Jesse Copelyn

If the US President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR) is halted, the South African public health system “will face a severe crisis” that could endanger millions of lives. This is according to a coalition of 17 health service organisations in South Africa, including large ones such as Anova Health, Health Systems Trust, TB HIV Care, The Aurum Institute and Wits RHI.

In a statement, they appealed to private sector donors and “high net-worth individuals” to help fund the shortfall caused by US aid cuts.

Read the statement

PEPFAR is a multi-billion dollar US initiative that supports HIV and TB-related health services around the world. In South Africa alone, over 15 000 staff (mostly health workers) are funded by PEPFAR, according to the national health department.

But a series of executive orders issued by US President Donald Trump has suspended some of this funding and the rest remains precarious. The orders include a 90-day pause on all US foreign development assistance and another that explicitly bars South Africa from aid (with some leeway allowed).

Some health service providers in South Africa continue to receive money from PEPFAR under a limited waiver that allows for the continuation of certain “life-saving HIV services”. But the waiver hasn’t protected all PEPFAR beneficiaries. As a result, some organisations have had to close their doors, while many others have had to curtail what they can provide.

The waiver doesn’t cover all health services, and many health programs that target high-risk groups (such as people who use drugs) have not been protected. This is even if they provide life-saving HIV services.

Services suspended for the most vulnerable

Under the waiver, PEPFAR can continue to fund programs that offer treatment and testing for HIV, including antiretroviral (ARV) services. Projects can also continue to provide condoms and HIV prevention medication, known as PrEP, but only to pregnant and breastfeeding women.

The waiver does not allow for continued funding of PrEP medication or condoms to anyone else. It also doesn’t cover crucial research, like population surveys which tell us how many people have HIV and where they’re located. Additionally, it doesn’t allow for continued funding of methadone maintenance programs for people who use heroin. This is despite the fact that this is the most effective way to help people to stop using heroin and to curb the sharing of drug needles (something which contributes to the spread of HIV).

Dr Gloria Maimela, who represents the coalition of organisations behind the statement, told GroundUp and Spotlight: “The staff who are providing [HIV] testing and treatment [are] back at facilities to provide those services, but staff that are providing other services not included in the waiver have been stopped, and are waiting for further guidance.”

In addition, organisations that help key populations have not been protected by the waiver, according to Maimela. Key populations are groups that are more at risk of becoming infected with HIV, such as people who inject drugs, sex workers, transgender people, and men who have sex with men. South African policy documents and the World Health Organisation recommend that health programs focus on these groups since they’re more likely to acquire and transmit HIV.

Despite this, US-funded organisations that target key populations have been forced to shut their doors in South Africa. Maimela says that this is even in cases where they were offering the kind of life-saving ARV treatment covered in the waiver.

“For us, this is of grave concern,” Maimela says, “because we know that right now that is where most of the [HIV] infections lie”.

So far, organisations which provide HIV treatment and prevention services to LGBTI people have been forced to shut down, including the Ivan Toms Centre and Engage Men’s Health.

Additionally, GroundUp and Spotlight have identified two PEPFAR-supported harm reduction centres that have had to close. These centres provided methadone and clean needles to people who inject drugs (when drug users have access to clean needles, they’re less likely to resort to sharing them, which brings down HIV transmission).

Ricardo Walters, who provides consulting services to health service organisations across Africa, told Spotlight and GroundUp that a similar trend could be seen across the continent.

“Many organisations that were specifically offering services to key populations were not suspended; their project funding was terminated,” he said. “They will not be coming back.”

These organisations were assisting patients “who often could not access services in a general [health] setting”.

Walters says the reasons given for the termination of these programs vary across organisations and countries.

“Where there are reasons, it’s often [stated] that it’s because the program contains components of DEIA [Diversity, Equity, Inclusion and Accessibility] and gender ideology, which is directly from a previous executive order [in which the Trump administration terminated all federal funding for DEIA]. The terms are never defined … no one says don’t treat gay men.”

Appeal to private sector

Beyond the shuttering of existing organisations, providers that are covered under the waiver remain unsure about whether funding will restart after the 90-day period. Also large sections of the US aid establishment have been gutted.

The recent statement by health organisations argues that if this aid is terminated “patients, including children, will lose access to life-saving antiretroviral treatment, while thousands of healthcare workers will be unable to provide essential HIV care. The consequences will be immediate. Fewer people will receive timely testing and treatment, leading to more undiagnosed cases, rising infections, and the spread of drug resistance. Mortality will increase, opportunistic infections will surge, and TB rates will escalate – putting the entire population at risk.”

As such, the statement calls on private corporations, donors and philanthropists to assist in supporting these health services.

“We encourage people to get in touch with us,” says Maimela, “so that even as we hold dialogues with the government, [those people] could be part of [the conversation] and step in and say how they want to help.”

To find out how to support organisations that provide HIV and TB related health services in South Africa contact Gloria Maimela at gloriam@foundation.co.za.

Published jointly by GroundUp and Spotlight.

Republished from GroundUp under a Creative Commons Attribution-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.

Good Governance in SA’s Health System is ‘Patchy’ – Experts Unpack Report on How to Fix it

By Elri Voigt

A timely report on governance in South Africa’s healthcare sector released last year identified several serious shortcomings. As the political and administrative wheels again start turning in 2025, we unpack the report and ask if government is paying attention.  

The signing of the National Health Insurance (NHI) Bill into law last year, sparked a renewed conversation on how the healthcare sector is governed, making the release of a consensus study on what was needed to achieve good governance and management in the South African healthcare system a few months later particularly timely. Commissioned by the Academy of Science of South Africa (ASSAF), the report was a three-year endeavour led by a panel of experts from multiple fields.

The spark for the project was concerns over the performance of the country’s healthcare system and the Life Esidimeni tragedy in particular, according to the chairperson of the ASSAF report panel Professor Lilian Dudley. The Life Esidimeni tragedy, in which 144 mental healthcare users in Gauteng died due to starvation and neglect, highlighted what the public health medicine specialist described as “not just poor performance but corruption and unethical practices in the health system”.

“There were concerns about the overall governance or oversight and leadership of the health system, and the panel was essentially asked to try and look at some of the challenges, as well as to go over the evidence and make recommendations which could be implemented to address it,” she told Spotlight.

After describing the “magnitude, the spread, and the effects of the governance challenges in the health system” as well as finding examples of where good governance was taking place, the report went on to make eight recommendations on practical strategies to improve the situation. This article focuses on three of these recommendations, so it is by no means exhaustive. The recommendations are interdependent, as is evident from the full report which can be found here.

Good governance is ‘patchy’

Sharon Fonn, Professor of Public Health at the University of the Witwatersrand who also worked on the report, told Spotlight it found that good governance in our healthcare system is “patchy”. She said there were two issues contributing to this: There are some people without the necessary competence and skills or sometimes motivation in key positions, and in some cases dysfunctional or inappropriate systems undermine the best efforts of those who are competent or have the right intentions.

There is no quick fix though. “You need to see this as a 10-year project,” Fonn said. “There’s some political leadership that’s needed, and then there’s some technical interventions that are needed. It’s about having a plan and getting people around the table,” she added.

Foundations for good governance are present but no longer ‘fit-for-purpose’

To contextualise governance within the healthcare system, the report needed to look at the past, according to Dudley. She explained that democratic South Africa “inherited a very flawed, fragmented health system, which was not being governed in order to address the needs of the majority of the population”. Thus, a lot of work had been done after 1994 to set up a unified healthcare system and establish systems and structures to lay foundations for good governance. “But we seem to have lost the plot along the way,” she said.

“One of our key findings was that there were some foundations that were put in place, but they would not be effective as governance structures and were no longer fit for purpose,” Dudley said. “Even though we have some structure, some systems, they are not really supporting and promoting the kind of governance that is needed.” In this regard, Dudley points to key legislation and policies such as the National Health Act (NHA) and the White Paper on Transformation for the Health system.

“The other context within which we are operating is the overall political environment, and health is political at the end of the day with levels of political interference,” Dudley added. “[H]aving the right people, the right competence and the right ethics in place has been a problem because a lot of senior managers in the health system are not necessarily accountable to the people they serve”.

The report stated that a conflict between two pieces of legislation – the Public Finance Management Act (PFMA) and the Public Services Act (PSA) – could be contributing to some of these problems with senior leadership and so-called “cadre deployment” in some provincial health systems. At issue are apparent contradictions and overlaps between the roles of purely political appointments, such as Members of the Executive Committees (MECs) for health, and those of senior officials like heads of health departments.

The PFMA is legislation aimed at regulating the financial management of government and providing for the responsibilities of the persons entrusted with that financial management. According to the report, the Act grants the power and responsibility for financial management, service delivery and human resource management to “accounting officers”, who are either the Head of Department or the Director-General – depending on the level of government being referred to.

By contrast, according to the ASSAF report, the PSA aims to regulate the organisation and administration of the public service, grants Ministers and MECs in the provinces the power of “executive authority” giving them the authority to, among other things, appoint people to government positions.

It is not unusual to have contradictions between pieces of legislation that were developed at different times and by different Ministers or Departments, Dr Andy Gray, a senior lecturer in the Division of Pharmacology at the University of KwaZulu-Natal’s School of Health Sciences, told Spotlight.

He said Section 38 of the PMFA describes the responsibilities of “accounting officers”, which is clearly describing a managerial function. However, every Head of Department is also subject to governance by a minister. The PSA repeats the same definition for an accounting officer as the PMFA but adds an additional definition for an executive authority.

Within the PSA, who the executive officer is depends on the level of government being referred to, for example in relation to “a provincial department or a provincial government component within an Executive Council portfolio”, the executive officer will be the member of the Executive Council responsible for that portfolio.

In the case of a provincial health department, this would mean the MEC for Health is an executive officer, who is granted by this Act all the powers and duties necessary for, among other things, “the recruitment, appointment, performance management, transfer, dismissal and other career incidents of employees of that department”.

“That does appear to contradict the separation between management and governance, so the ASSAF criticism appears to be valid,” Gray said.

Another function of governance that has not been working as it should, according to Dudley, has been the community participation aspect. She said that the NHA has delegated a lot of the power and responsibility for enabling community participation to the provincial governments. And in the cases where provincial governments have created appropriate regulations for the health committees that allow for community participation, it’s still inadequate.

As summarised by the report, the lack of clarity between these three Acts – NHA, PFMA, and PSA – “have contributed to conflicting mandates between politicians and senior managers in the public health sector, across levels of government, and between the health sector and structures for community representation”.

Legislation needs to be refined

To address some of these issues, the report recommended updating legislation and governance structures “to insulate them from vested interests and give them executive rather than merely advisory functions”.

To do so, it called for making accountability structures more effective by amending the conflicts within legislation that weaken or undermine the delegation of governance. This includes, among other steps, aligning the PFMA and the PSA, as well as clarifying and strengthening the way the NHA delegates authority between levels of government, particularly to health districts and health facilities.

The report also proposes taking steps to strengthen community governance structures like clinic committees, hospital boards and other entities. This included, among other things, reforming legislation to ensure “harmonised policies on roles and functions of such structures across all provinces” and extending community participation structures to the private sector. It also called for a common policy defining the “criteria and processes for appointments, role and functions, reimbursement of community committee members for costs, induction, and continuous capacity building”.

Systems are not working

Also hindering good governance, according to Fonn, is dysfunctional systems, such as overly complicated procurement processes and ineffective information systems. She said that whenever a problem arose with procurement, another layer of control was added, making the systems impossible to navigate.

“It must be possible to review it and to work out a more manageable process around procurement. And procurement is particularly important because it’s sort of what keeps things turning over. It’s also the space where vested interests can be exercised,” Fonn said.

Accurate information is another essential component of the health system that overall isn’t working very well, though there are exceptions. Fonn explained that the report found functional information systems in some provinces. Part of what can be done to improve governance, she said, is to take what worked in those instances and try to replicate or adapt it to work in other provinces.

Need functional fit-for-purpose systems

One of the recommendations in the report is to “surround managers and leaders with functional fit-for purpose systems (including human resources, procurement, health information systems) so that they can do their work”.

Part of this was a call to improve procurement processes by simplifying the existing overly complex and sometimes contradictory rules and delegating more of the actual procurement to facilities and district or sub-district managers.

“Overly complex procurement systems are inhibiting decentralisation, as the complexity of existing rules makes it difficult for decentralised managers,” the report stated. “This does not mean that every facility should be issuing its own medicine tenders, but there is no reason why strong sub-district offices or larger facilities should not be ordering supplies off transversal tenders without multiple layers of high-level signoff.”

Some of the suggested reforms include greater development and use of electronic systems like electronic catalogues, stock management systems, ordering systems and e-procurement systems. It also suggested including medical supplies and medical equipment in transversal tenders to achieve economies of scale.

The report also advocated for giving health institutions greater power, where appropriate, over hiring, firing and disciplinary procedures. Within labour law and labour agreements, space must be made to allow managers to follow agreed procedures without sacrificing the public value mission of the service,” it stated.

Implementing the electronic National Health Information System of South Africa (NHISSA) was also identified by the report as an urgent priority so that patient-linked data can be collected.

Alleged lack of vision and stewardship by the National Department of Health

Another trend observed by the panelists, Fonn said, is an overall lack in a vision of the healthcare system that is being communicated by government – particularly the National Department of Health. She used the example of the NHI, where the government has been, as she described it, “unable to communicate that [NHI] in a way that captures the public imagination and in a way that makes sense to people on the ground who are actually [healthcare] providers”.

“The argument from government is that the NHI Act is simply setting in place the fund, that’s all it’s supposed to do. I understand that…and it’s a legitimate argument. The problem is then that doesn’t tell people what it means,” she added. “It’s that kind of lack of stewardship, lack of communicating a vision.”

Fonn also pointed out an apparent reluctance by the National Department of Health to engage with stakeholders and instead foster a “command-and-control environment”.

Another layer of this issue is that the healthcare system is set up in a way that makes the National Department of Health responsible for steering the system but, according to Fonn, they haven’t done this effectively and have focused on the wrong things.

“The way the South African health system is set up currently is that the National Department [of Health] is responsible for stewarding the system, for making sure that the right legislation exists, the right checks and balances exist, and the right controls exist,” said Fonn.

“I think that at least in part, they haven’t [fulfilled that responsibility]. It’s a complex thing to do so I’m not suggesting it’s easy. But I don’t think they’ve had their eye on the right place,” she said.

“What our report does acknowledge is that there are many good people in the health system who actually want to see improvements, who are committed to good leadership and management and governance,” Fonn said. “But I think we need leadership to kind of show the way and one of the first things that we felt was important was to revisit what our public values are, what are the social goals that we want to set for the health system, and can we all agree on that and move towards that? [We need] that kind of leadership and stewardship from the political and national government level.”

Mixed response from government

Spotlight asked the National Department of Health and Minister of Health Dr Aaron Motsoaledi for their responses to the report and its findings. The spokesperson for the health department indicated he had only been able to access an abstract of the report and would not be able to respond without seeing the full report. A copy of the report was then sent to the spokesperson, but no response or comment was received by the time of publication (more than a week later).

However, according to Dudley, the report was presented last year to the Minister of Health, senior managers in the provinces, and health MECs.

“There was actually quite a bit of interest from the new MECS [for health] … the MECs were quite keen to hear more about it, engage more about it and wanted to know what we need to do to actually respond and to start implementing some of these recommendations,” she said.

By comparison, Dudley said there was less interest from the National Department of Health.

She however pointed out that the burden of changing governance in the healthcare system doesn’t rest entirely on the health department’s shoulders.

There are multiple stakeholders that need to take action, we do try to emphasise that in the report. Yes, government and politicians do have particular roles, but everybody has a role,” Dudley said.

These include academic institutions, she said, which need to ensure when training health professionals and leaders they are provided with the kind of competencies that will improve the management, leadership and governance of the health system.

Research institutions also have a role to play in addressing some of the unanswered questions around governance and how to implement interventions that can bring about change. Civil Society will also have a part to play through activism to hold those in positions of power to account.

Republished from Spotlight under a Creative Commons licence.

Read the original article.